Bernhard von Bülow
|Prince Bernhard von Bülow|
|Chancellor of Germany|
October 16, 1900 – July 13, 1909
|Preceded by||Prince Hohenlohe|
|Succeeded by||Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg|
|Minister-President of Prussia|
|Preceded by||Prince Hohenlohe|
|Succeeded by||Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg|
|Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs of German Empire|
|Preceded by||Adolf Marschall von Bieberstein|
|Succeeded by||Oswald Freiherr von Richthofen|
|Foreign Minister of Prussia|
|Preceded by||Adolf Marschall von Bieberstein|
|Succeeded by||Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg|
May 3, 1849|
|Died||October 28, 1929
|Alma mater||University of Lausanne
University of Berlin
University of Leipzig
University of Greifswald
Bernhard Heinrich Karl Martin von Bülow (May 3, 1849 – October 28, 1929), named in 1905 Prince (Fürst) von Bülow, was a German statesman who served as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for three years and then as Chancellor of the German Empire from 1900 to 1909.
Bülow had a round face with smiling blue eyes and a carefully trimmed moustache. He spoke several languages, was a charming conversationalist and was comfortably at home in high society with a capacity to entertain and impress even his opponents. His colleague Kiderlen referred to him as "the Eel".1 Although highly ambitious, he was also vain and, once he obtained power and position in the German government, had no overarching ideas of what to do with them, allowing others to guide policy. His character made him a good choice to work well with Emperor Wilhelm II, who required agreement and flattery from his senior ministers even if sometimes they then ignored his instructions. Bülow was a fine judge of mood and an expert flatterer, but could equally be cutting and contemptuous of both friends and enemies to others.
He wrote four volumes of autobiography to be published after his death, which markedly altered public perception of his character as they included his candid and malicious descriptions of others. He was a fine debater in the Reichstag, although generally lazy in carrying out his duties. He was described by Friedrich von Holstein, who was for 30 years the first councillor in the foreign department and a major influence on policy throughout that time, as having "read more Macchiavelli than he could digest". His mother-in-law claimed, "Bernhard makes a secret out of everything."2
He was born at Klein-Flottbeck, Holstein, now part of Altona, a part of Hamburg. His father, Bernhard Ernst von Bülow, was a Danish and German statesman. His brother, Major-General Karl Ulrich von Bülow, was a cavalry commander during World War I who took part in the attack on Liège in August 1914.
Bülow later attributed his grasp of English and French to having learnt it from French and English governesses as a young child. His father spoke French, while his mother spoke English as was common in Hamburg society.3 In 1856 his father was sent to the Federal Diet in Frankfurt to represent Holstein and Lauenburg, when Otto von Bismarck was also there to represent Prussia. He became a great friend of Bismarck's son Herbert when they played together. In Rumpenheim castle he also played with Princess Alexandra, later Queen of England. At age thirteen the family moved to Neustrelitz when his father became Chief Minister to the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg. There he attended the Frankfort gymnasium, before attending universities in Lausanne, Leipzig and Berlin.4
He volunteered for military service during the Franco-Prussian War and became a lance-corporal in the King's Hussar Regiment. In December 1870 the squadron was in action near Amiens, and he later described charging and killing French riflemen with his sabre. He was promoted to lieutenant and invited to remain in the army after the war, but declined.5 He completed his law degree at the University of Greifswald in 1872. Afterwards, he entered first the Prussian Civil Service and then the diplomatic service.
In 1873 his father became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in the German government, serving under Chancellor Bismarck, and Bülow junior entered the diplomatic corps. His first short assignments were to Rome, St. Petersburg, Vienna and then Athens.6 In 1876 he was appointed attaché to the German embassy in Paris, attended the Berlin Congress as a secretary7 and became second secretary to the embassy in 1880.
In 1884 he hoped to be posted to London but instead became first secretary at the embassy in St. Petersburg. On the way to his new assignment he stayed for a couple of days at Varzin with the Bismarck family. Bismarck explained that he considered relations with Russia much more important than Britain, and this was why he had posted Bülow there. Bismarck reported himself impressed by Bülow's calmness and demeanour during this interview.8 In Russia he acted as chargé d'affaires, in 1887 advocating ethnic cleansing of Poles from Polish territories of the German Empire in future armed conflict.9 Bülow wrote regularly to the Foreign Office, complaining about his superior, Ambassador Schweinitz. Schweinitz, however, was well-liked, and Bülow earned for himself only a reputation as a schemer. In 1885 Holstein noted with admiration that Bülow was attempting to have Prince Hohenlohe removed as ambassador to France so that he might replace him, all the while exchanging friendly letters with Hohenlohe.10
On 9 January 1886, while still at St. Petersburg, he married Maria Anna Zoe Rosalia Beccadelli di Bologna, Principessa di Camporeale, Marchesa di Altavilla, whose first marriage with Count Karl von Dönhoff had been dissolved and declared null by the Holy See in 1884. The princess, an accomplished pianist and pupil of Franz Liszt, was a stepdaughter of the Italian statesman Minghetti and daughter of Donna Laura Minghetti (née Acton) who was highly respected in Roman society. Maria had been married for sixteen years and had three children. Bülow previously had numerous love affairs, but the marriage was intended to further his career. In 1888 he was offered the choice of appointments to Washington or Bucharest, and chose Bucharest as Maria objected to the prospect of traveling to America and leaving her family behind. He spent the next five years scheming to be appointed to Rome, where his wife was well connected. King Humbert was persuaded to write to Wilhelm saying that he would be pleased if Bülow became ambassador there, and in 1893 he duly did.11
On 21 June 1897 Bülow received a telegram instructing him to go to Kiel to speak to Wilhelm. On the way he stopped at Frankfurt while changing trains and spoke to Philip zu Eulenburg. Eulenburg explained that Wilhelm wanted a new State Secretary for Foreign Affairs and urged Bülow to take the post, which was the same one his father had once held. Eulenburg also passed on tips about how best to manage Wilhelm, who lived on praise and could not stand to be contradicted. In Berlin, Bülow first spoke to Holstein who advised him that although he would have preferred the present Secretary, Adolf Marschall von Bieberstein, to stay in the job, Wilhelm was determined to replace him, and that he would prefer the successor to be Bülow. Marschall himself said that he did not want to go, but it was inevitable and he would rather see Bülow as his successor. Perhaps Bülow might be able to find him an ambassador's post in due course? Chancellor Hohenlohe, desperate to retire because of old age, urged Bülow to take the job, with an eye to succeeding him as chancellor. Bülow urged Hohenlohe to continue in office for as long as he could.12
On 26 June Bülow arrived in Kiel and met Wilhelm. Wilhelm advised that it would be one of the new secretary's main tasks to set about building a world class fleet capable of taking on the British, without in the process precipitating a war. Bülow asked for time to consider the offer, and on 3 August accepted. The two men formed a good working relationship. Rather than oppose Wilhelm, as some of his predecessors had done, Bülow agreed with him on all matters by sometimes privately relying on Wilhelm's bad memory and frequent changes of opinion to take the action he thought best rather than what Wilhelm had instructed.
The post of Foreign Secretary was subordinate to that of the Chancellor and, under Bismarck's chancellorship, had been only a functionary. Under Bülow, this was largely reversed, Hohenlohe being content to let Bülow manage foreign affairs with his principal adviser, Holstein. Wilhelm would call on Bülow every morning to discuss state affairs but see the chancellor only rarely.13
Bülow also held a seat in the Prussian government: Although Wilhelm was emperor of all Germany, he was also king of Prussia. As Foreign Secretary, Bülow was chiefly responsible for carrying out the policy of colonial expansion (or Weltpolitik) with which the emperor had identified himself. He was welcomed by the Foreign Office because he was the first professional diplomat to be placed in charge since the forced resignation of Bismarck in 1890. Bülow had been wary of accepting the post if Holstein remained as First Councillor, as Holstein had in practice held great authority in recent years. However, Holstein (nicknamed the 'monster of the labyrinth') was regarded as indispensable because of his long experience in office, rank cunning and phenomenal memory of affairs of state throughout his time. Eulenburg advised Bülow to stake out a firm working relationship immediately on his arrival, and the two succeeded in working together.14 In 1899, on bringing to a successful conclusion the negotiations by which the Caroline Islands were acquired by Germany, he was raised to the rank of Count.
In October 1900 Bülow was summoned to Wilhelm's hunting retreat at Hubertsstock. There Wilhelm asked Bülow to become Chancellor of the German Empire and Prime Minister of Prussia. Bülow queried whether he was really the best man for the job: Wilhelm admitted that he would have preferred Eulenburg on a personal level but was not sure he was sufficiently able. On 16 October, Bülow was summoned again, this time to Homburg, where his train was met personally by Wilhelm. Wilhelm explained that Hohenlohe had announced he could continue as chancellor no longer, and this time Bülow accepted the job he had been seeking for many years. A replacement State Secretary was necessary, and the job was first offered to Holstein, who, as expected, turned it down, preferring not to take a job that required appearing before the Reichstag. The post was given to Baron Oswald von Richthofen, who had already been serving as under secretary to Bülow. It was made clear that the State Secretary's post would now revert to the subordinate role it had played in Bismarck's time, with Holstein remaining the more important adviser on foreign affairs.15
Bülow's good relationship with Wilhelm continued as chancellor. His mornings were reserved for Wilhelm, who would visit the chancellery every morning when in Berlin. His determination to remain on Wilhelm's good side was remarkable, even for those accustomed to Wilhelm's manner. Wilhelm's household controller noted, "Whenever, by oversight, he expresses an opinion in disagreement with the emperor, he remains silent for a few moments and then says the exact contrary, with the preface, 'as Your Majesty so wisely remarked'". He gave up tobacco, beer, coffee and liqueurs and took 35 minutes of exercise every morning and would ride in good weather through the Tiergarten. Sundays he would take long walks in the woods. In 1905, aged 56, he led his old Hussars regiment at the gallop in a parade for Wilhelm and was rewarded by an appointment to the rank of major general. Wilhelm remarked to Eulenburg in 1901, "Since I have Bülow I can sleep peacefully".16
His first conspicuous act as chancellor was a masterly defence in the Reichstag of German imperialism in China. Bülow often spent his time defending German foreign policy before the parliament, to say nothing of covering for the many gaffes of Wilhelm II.
In 1903, Edward VII paid a visit to Paris. France and Britain had been colonial rivals and had a long history of conflict, but Edward was determined to boost British popularity in France by a personal tour. President Loubet was invited to make a reciprocal visit to London in July. In Germany there was skepticism among senior ministers that anything would come of this apparent new friendliness, but serious negotiations for a formal alliance began between the French ambassador to London, Cambon, and the British Foreign Secretary, the Marquess of Lansdowne. As part of settling differences, France agreed not to dispute British control of Egypt, if Britain supported France's claims to Morocco. On 24 March 1904, France formally informed the German ambassador of the new Anglo-French Convention. Prince Radolin, the ambassador, responded that he felt the agreement natural and justified. The German press noted that the deal in Morocco did not harm German interests and that French intervention to restore order in the country might help German trade. Bülow assured the British ambassador that he was pleased to see Britain and France settling their differences. He informed the Reichstag that Germany had no objections to the deal and no concerns about German interests in Morocco.17
Holstein had a different view. Intervention in Moroccan affairs was governed by the Treaty of Madrid made in 1880 between Germany, Britain, France, Italy and Spain. Holstein argued that Germany had been sidelined by not being included in the negotiations and that Morocco was a country that showed promise for German influence and trade, which must eventually suffer if it came under French control. Previously, he had dismissed any possibility of agreement between France and Britain. France now offered military assistance to Morocco to improve order in the country.
Bülow responded by supporting the position of an independent Morocco, encouraging the United States to become involved and threatened war if France intervened. He was now convinced that the new friendliness between France and Britain was a threat to Germany, particularly should the accord deepen.
France was ill prepared-for war with Germany. Russia, a possible ally, had suffered recent defeats in the Far East and was already overstretched. Britain's strength was in its navy rather than any army that might intervene, and war in Europe on France's behalf went beyond the terms of the Convention. Despite possible risks of assassination, Bülow persuaded Wilhelm to make a visit to Tangier in 1905, where he made a speech supporting Morocco's independence, but his presence there simultaneously demonstrated Germany's determination to maintain its own influence.18
The situation had changed from a colonial dispute to a matter of international alliances. A German military presence or naval base in Morocco could threaten the nearby British naval base at Gibraltar, or important trade routes through the Mediterranean. In Britain King Edward continued to support the beleaguered French Foreign minister, Theophile Delcassé. Lansdowne had been surprised by the German reaction, but now Britain became increasingly determined to continue the alliance with France. First Sea Lord, Sir John Fisher, suggested this was a golden opportunity to take on the fledgling German fleet before it grew too large. On 3 June, Abdelaziz of Morocco, at German prompting, rejected the French offer of assistance and called for an international conference to discuss the future of his country. On 6 June 1905, the French cabinet met to discuss their position. Delcassé could get no support for the continuation of his policies and resigned. News spread to Berlin: the following morning Wilhelm visited Bülow in his office and raised him to the rank of prince (Fürst). The occasion coincided with the marriage of the crown prince and echoed the elevation of Bismarck to the rank of prince in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles.19
Germany continued to press for a conference and for further French concessions. Bülow carefully instructed Radolin and also spoke to the French ambassador in Berlin. However, the effect was somewhat the reverse of what he intended: it hardened the resolve of the French Premier, Maurice Rouvier, to resist further demands. The Algeciras Conference commenced 16 January 1906 at Algeciras Town Hall. During the conference, the British fleet of twenty battleships with accompanying cruisers and destroyers visited Algecira and all the delegates were invited on board.
The conference went badly for Germany, initially with a vote against German proposals 10-3. Holstein wished to threaten war against France, but Bülow drew back from this outcome, and Holstein was ordered not to take any further part. No satisfactory outcome for Germany was in sight by April, leaving Bülow the only course of winding up the conference quickly as best he could. It was agreed that France and Spain would jointly supervise the Moroccan police force, with a Swiss inspector general appointed to command the force. France would control the Moroccan-Algerian border region. President Theodore Roosevelt congratulated Wilhelm on an 'epoch making success'.20
The result was received badly in Germany, with objections raised in the press and in the Reichstag. On 5 April 1906 Bülow was obliged to appear before the Reichstag to defend the outcome, and during a heated exchange, collapsed and had to be carried from the hall. At first it was thought he had suffered a stroke and that the attack would be fatal. Lord Fitzmaurice in the House of Lords compared the incident with that of the death of Chatham, a compliment much appreciated in Germany. However, fears that he had suffered a stroke proved groundless and the collapse was ascribed to overwork and influenza. After a month's rest the chancellor was able to resume his duties.21
State Secretary Richthofen had died shortly before the conference and been replaced by Heinrich von Tschirschky. Tschirschky and Holstein had disagreed, now culminating in Holstein offering his resignation, something he had done before when his advice was refused. On this occasion, with Bülow ill, no one objected to his resignation and it was accepted.22
In 1907, during the Harden-Moltke scandals, Adolf Brand, the founding editor of the homosexual periodical Der Eigene, printed a pamphlet alleging that Bülow had been blackmailed for engaging in homosexual practices and was morally obligated to oppose Paragraph 175 of the German penal code, which outlawed homosexuality. Sued for slander and brought to trial on 7 November 1907, Brand asserted that the Chancellor had embraced and kissed his private secretary, Privy Councilor Max Scheefer, at all-male gatherings hosted by Philipp zu Eulenburg. Testifying in self-defense, Bülow denied any such act but remarked that he had heard unsavory rumors about Eulenburg. Taking the stand, Eulenburg defended himself against Brand's charge by denying that he had ever held such events, and against Bülow's insinuation by claiming that he had never engaged in same-sex acts, which subsequently led to a perjury trial. Despite concluding testimony by the chief of the Berlin police that Bülow may indeed have been the victim of a homosexual blackmailer, he easily prevailed in court, and Brand was sentenced to prison.
In November 1907 Wilhelm made a long-planned state visit to Britain. He attempted to cancel the visit because of the recent scandals, but it went ahead and was so successful that he decided to remain in Britain for a holiday. He rented a house for the purpose from Colonel Edward Montague Stuart-Wortley and spoke freely to its owner while he was there. After he left, Stuart-Wortley wrote an article for the Daily Telegraph about these conversations, and submitted it to Wilhelm, requesting approval for its publication. Wilhelm passed the English manuscript to Bülow asking whether there were any objections to its publication. Wilhelm had asked Bülow not to pass on the article to the Foreign Office, but Bülow did exactly this, sending it unread to State Secretary Schoen with a request to prepare an official translation and add any amendments that might be necessary.
Schoen was away, so instead it went to undersecretary Stemrich, who read it but passed it without comment to Reinhold Klehmet. Klehmet interpreted his instructions as meaning he should only correct any errors of fact and did not otherwise comment. It was returned to Bülow, who returned it still unread by him to Wilhelm, saying he saw no reason not to publish. It duly appeared in print, and an immediate storm arose.
In the interview, Wilhelm expressed many controversial and offensive opinions. He said:
- He could not understand why Britain repeatedly rejected his offers of friendship.
- Most Germans disliked the English.
- He had intervened against France and Russia on Britain's side during the Second Boer War.
- He had provided the campaign plan used by the British during that war.
- One day, Britain might come to be glad Germany was building up her fleet.
Wilhelm thus managed to offend Japanese, French and Russian sensibilities but even more so, British. Germans were outraged that their Emperor claimed to have helped the British against the Boers, who were perceived to be of German origin.23
The interview publicly revealed Wilhelm's erratic views and should not have been published. Bülow accused the Foreign Office of failing to comment properly on the article. It responded that it was the Chancellor's role to decide on publication in such a situation. Although Bülow denied having read the article, it remained unclear how he could have failed to because of Wilhelm's continuous record of public gaffes throughout his life. Criticism arose as to Wilhelm's competence to rule and the role he should be permitted under the constitution. The matter was to be debated in the Reichstag where Bülow would have to defend his own position and that of the Emperor. Bülow wrote to Wilhelm, offering to resign unless Wilhelm could give him full support in this matter. Wilhelm, in a very weak position, readily agreed.
Bülow then arranged publication of a defense of events in Norddeutsch Allgemeine Zeitung, which glossed over the unfortunate nature of Wilhelm's remarks and instead concentrated on the failings of the Foreign Office in not examining the article properly. It explained that Bülow had offered to take full responsibility for the office's failings, but the Emperor had refused to accept his resignation.24
Bülow succeeded in turning away criticism from himself in the Reichstag, and finished his speech to cheering from the assembly. Holstein observed that given the nature of the comments it would have been virtually impossible to defend Wilhelm for having made them and that Bülow could not have done other than what he did, which was to dispute the factual accuracy of much of what Wilhelm had said and leave blame for events squarely with him, with the explanation that the comments had been made with the best of intentions and would certainly not be repeated. He declared his conviction that the disastrous effects of the interview would induce the Emperor in future to observe that strict reserve, even in private conversations, which is equally indispensable in the interest of a uniform policy and for the authority of the crown, adding that, in the contrary case, neither he nor any successor of his could assume the responsibility. Obviously, the Foreign Office should also have spotted the mistakes.25
Wilhelm was again due to be away from Germany at the time of the Reichstag debate, this time on a trip to Austria, and received much criticism for not staying at home. Wilhelm queried whether he ought to cancel the trip, but Bülow advised him to continue with it. Holstein asked Bülow about Wilhelm's absence; Bülow then denied advising Wilhelm to go. Matters were not improved when during the visit Count Hülsen-Haeseler, chief of the Military Cabinet, died from a heart attack while dancing in a red ballet skirt at Donaueschingen, the estate of Prince Max von Fürstenberg. On Wilhelm's return Bülow persuaded him to endorse a statement that he concurred with the Chancellor's statements to the Reichstag: by now Wilhelm was close to breakdown and considering abdication.26
Wilhelm withdrew from public appearances for six weeks, which was generally seen as an act of penitence rather than the consequence of his depression. Public opinion began to reflect on whether the Chancellor had failed in his duty to properly advise the Emperor, and then again failed to defend Wilhelm's actions in the Reichstag. Wilhelm's own view of the affair began to change, increasingly blaming Bülow for failing to warn him of the difficulties the article would cause. He determined that Bülow would have to be replaced as Chancellor. In June 1909, difficulties arose in obtaining additional finance for ongoing ship construction.
Wilhelm warned Bülow that if he failed to carry a majority for imposing inheritance taxes, he would have to resign. The tax was defeated by eight votes, and on 26 June Bülow offered his resignation, exactly twelve years after accepting the office of Foreign Secretary, also on board the royal yacht Hohenzollern. On July 14, the resignation was announced and Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg became the new Chancellor. Wilhelm dined with the Bülows, expressing his regret that the prince was determined to resign. He observed that he had been informed that some of those who voted against the inheritance tax had done so out of animosity against Bülow and his handling of the Telegraph affair rather than opposition to the tax. For his services to the state Prince von Bülow was awarded the Order of the Black Eagle, set in diamonds.27
After his resignation of the German chancellorship in 1909, Bülow lived principally at the villa in Rome which he had purchased with a view to his retirement. Part of the summer he usually spent at Flottbeck near Hamburg, or on the island of Norderney. A large fortune left him by a cousin, a Hamburg merchant, enabled him to live in elegant leisure and to make his house in Rome a center of literary and political society. He employed his leisure in writing for the centenary celebrations of the Wars of Liberation, a remarkable book on Imperial Germany, extolling its achievements and defending the main lines of his own foreign policy (Engl. translation, M. Lavenz, 1914).28
In a revised edition (English translation 1916) of his book on Imperial Germany issued after the start of World War I, he omitted or altered many passages which seemed compromising in the light of the War, for example his exposition of his policy of lulling Great Britain into a sense of security, while the great German navy was being constructed. He was understood to be in deep disfavour with William II, who never forgave him his attitude and action with regard to the Daily Telegraph interview in 1908.28
From 1914 to 1915, Bülow was ambassador to Italy but failed to bring her onto the side of Germany or even to persuade it to maintain her neutrality. Italy had declared her neutrality at the outbreak of the war. However she intimated (July 5, 1914) through diplomatic channels that she considered the action of Austria-Hungary against Serbia to be aggressive and provocative. On December 9, 1914, Baron Sonnino addressed a note to the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Berchtold, calling attention to Article VII of the treaty by which Italy participated in the Triple Alliance, with particular reference to the words in that clause according to which the Austro-Hungarian Government was bound, in the event of its disturbing the status quo in the Balkans, even by a temporary occupation of Serbian territory, to come to an agreement with Italy and to arrange for compensations. By this note, the questions of the Trentino and Trieste were formally opened.28
Austria-Hungary manifested great reluctance to enter upon the question of compensations, but Berlin was more alert and more anxiously concerned. Bülow was, therefore, entrusted with the temporary charge of the German embassy in Rome, the actual ambassador, Flotow, going on sick leave (December 19, 1914). Bülow at once plunged into active negotiations, and began by expressing his entire sympathy on principle with the Italian demand for compensations. He had, however, to fight the intransigeance of the Hungarian prime minister, Tisza, and Tisza's nominee, who was Berchtold's successor, Baron von Burian. Bülow was from the first for the complete cession of the Trentino to Italy, but Austria-Hungary was willing to cede only part of it. Sonnino, for his part, pointed out that Italian feeling would not be satisfied even with the whole of the Trentino, but would also, in accordance with the irredentist programme, demand Trieste. Bülow continued to urge that all he could mediate for was the Trentino but that Austria would fight to keep Trieste.28
Early in April 1915, Italy put forward in the course of the negotiations, which were secret, her demands for the Trentino, Trieste, the Cuzolari Islands, off the Dalmatian coast, the recognition by Austria-Hungary of Italian sovereignty over Vallona, etc. The negotiations dragged on until the middle of May, when Bülow made a grave but characteristic tactical mistake. He is understood to have induced the Italian ex-premier Giolitti to come to Rome from Turin in the hope that Giolitti's following in the Chamber would be powerful enough to prevent a rupture and to bring about the acceptance of the Austro-Hungarian terms. An equally characteristic propaganda was believed to have been instituted by Bülow, in conjunction with the Austro-Hungarian ambassador Macchio, among the partisans of Giolitti behind the back of the Italian government.28
The prime minister, Salandra, suddenly resigned. There was a great outburst of popular indignation, fanned by the impassioned eloquence of d'Annunzio and finding expression in demonstrations in front of the Quirinal (the royal palace) and on the Capitol, the municipal centre of Rome. After a great majority in the Italian Parliament had on May 20 expressed confidence in Salandra, general mobilization was ordered on May 22, and the formal declaration of war against Austria-Hungary followed on May 23, 1915.28
On May 24, Bülow left Rome.28 Bülow had regarded his task as impossible in any case, and on returning remarked: "Morale and attitude of the German people: A-1. Political leadership: Z-Minus."
During World War I, Bülow lived in Berlin, and although since the peace he again resided in Rome for part of every year, he spent many months in Germany. His name was mentioned in a ministerial crisis of 1921 as a possible chancellor.28 Although many of the leading figures in the Reichstag (including Matthias Erzberger) hoped that Bülow would succeed Bethmann Hollweg upon Hollweg's dismissal in 1917, Bülow was entirely unacceptable to the vast majority of the German people and of the Reichstag, and the former Chancellor was overlooked.28
Prince von Bülow died on October 28, 1929.
- Granted the noble title Fürst in 1905.
- Honorary member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences
- Honorary doctorates from the Universities of Königsberg and Münster
- Canon of the Brandenburg Cathedral chapter
- Bülowplatz in Berlin-Mitte named in his honour between 1910 and 1933 (present name is Rosa-Luxembourg-Platz)
- Prussia: Order of the Black Eagle, set in diamonds
- Württemberg: Grand Cross of the Order of the Crown (1900)29
- Russian Empire: Order of St. Andrew - September 1901 - during the visit to Germany of Tsar Nikolai II
- Austria-Hungary: Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece
|Chancellor of Germany
Prime Minister of Prussia
Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg
- Robert K. Massie. Dreadnought. London: Jonathan Cape. ISBN 0-224-03260-7.
- Bernhard von Bülow (1932). Memoirs of Prince von Bülow Vol IV, 1849-1897. translated from German by Geoffrey Dunlop and F. A. Voight. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.
- Taylor, Alan (1954). The Struggle for Mastery of Europe 1848-1918. UK: Oxford. pp. 459–460. ISBN 0198812701.
- Massie p.138-139
- Bülow Vol IV, p.20
- Massie p.140
- Massie p. 140
- Massie p.140-141
- New International Encyclopedia
- Massie p.141
- Hostages of Modernization, ed. Strauss, 1993 page 35
- Massie p.142
- Massie p.142-143
- Massie p.143-144
- Massie p.144-146
- Massie p.146
- Massie p.147-148
- massie p. 148-149
- Massie p.344-349
- Massie p.349
- Massie p. 360-363
- Massie p.363-367
- Massie p.367-368
- Massie p.368-369
- Massie p.680-687
- Massie p.685-688
- Massie p.689-690
- Massie p.690-691
- Massie p. 692-695
- One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1922). "Bülow, Bernhard Heinrich Karl Martin, Prince von". Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed.). London & New York.
- Hof- und Staatshandbuch des Königreichs Württemberg 1907, Page 50
- This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Bülow, Bernhard Heinrich Karl Martin, Prince von". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Bernhard von Bülow.|
|German Wikisource has original text related to this article:|
- Chancellor Von Bulows Memoirs, Vol.I. In English at archive.org
- Chancellor Von Bulows Memoirs, Vol.II. In English at archive.org
- Chancellor Von Bulows Memoirs, Vol.IV. In English at archive.org
- Bernhard Bülow, Marie A. Lewenz (1914). Imperial Germany. Dodd, Mead.
- Bernhard Bülow (1907). Fürst Bülows reden nebst urkundlichen Beiträgen zu seiner Politik. Reimer.