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The term "Persianate" is a neologism credited to Marshall Hodgson.2 In his 1974 book, The Venture of Islam: The expansion of Islam in the Middle Periods, he defined it in these words, "The rise of Persian had more than purely literary consequences: it served to carry a new overall cultural orientation within Islamdom. ... Most of the more local languages of high culture that later emerged among Muslims ... depended upon Persian wholly or in part for their prime literary inspiration. We may call all these cultural traditions, carried in Persian or reflecting Persian inspiration, 'Persianate' by extension."3
The term, consequently, does not solely designate ethnic Persians, but has been extended to those societies that may not have been ethnically Persian or Iranian, but whose linguistic, material, or artistic cultural activities were influenced by, or based on Persianate culture. Examples of pre-19th-century Persianate societies were the Seljuq,456 Timurid,78 and Ottoman dynasties,491011 as well as the Qarmatians who entertained Persianate notions of cyclical time even though they did not invoke the Iranian genealogies in which these precepts had converged. "Persianate" is a multiracial cultural category, but it appears at times to be a religious category of a racial origin.12
- 1 List of historical Persianate (or Persian-speaking) states/dynasties
- 2 History
- 3 Origins
- 4 Spread of Persianate culture
- 5 Mongol invasion
- 6 Persianate culture of South Asia
- 7 Safavids and the resurrection of Iranianhood
- 8 Ottomans
- 9 Vessels of Persianate culture
- 10 Conclusion
- 11 Notes
- 12 References
- 13 External links
- Great Seljuq Empire
- Khwarazmian dynasty
- Timurid dynasty
- Safavid Empire
- Afsharid dynasty
- Qajar dynasty
- Delhi Sultanate
- Qutb Shahi dynasty
- Mughal Empire
Persianate culture flourished for nearly fourteen centuries. It was a mixture of Persian and Islamic cultures that eventually became the dominant culture of the ruling and elite classes of Greater Iran, Asia Minor, and South Asia.13
When, in the 7th and 8th centuries, the peoples of Greater Iran were conquered by Islamic forces, they became part of an empire much larger than any previous one under Persian rule.13 The new Islamic culture was largely based on pre-Islamic Persian traditions of the area,14 as well as the Islamic rites that were introduced to the region by the Arab conquerors.15
Persianate culture, particularly among the elite classes, spread across the territories of western, central, and south Asia, although populations across this vast region had conflicting allegiances (sectarian, local, tribal, and ethnic affiliation) and spoke many different languages. It was spread by poets, artists, architects, artisans, jurists, and scholars, who maintained relations among their peers in the far-flung cities of the Persianate world, from Anatolia to India.16
Persianate culture involved modes of consciousness, ethos, and religious practices that have persisted in the Iranian world against hegemonic Arab Muslim (Sunni) cultural constructs.17 This formed a calcified Persianate structure of thought and experience of the sacred, entrenched for generations, which later informed history, historical memory, and identity among Alid loyalists and heterodox groups labeled by sharia-minded authority as ghulāt. In a way, along with investing the notion of heteroglossia, Persianate culture continuities and disjunction with the Iranian past and ways in which this past blended with the Islamic present or became transmuted. The historical change was largely on the basis of a binary model: a dualist struggle between the religious landscapes of late Iranian antiquity and a monotheist paradigm provided by the new religion, Islam.18
After the Arab Muslim conquest of Iran, Pahlavi, the language of Pre-Islamic Iran, continued in wide use well into the second Islamic century (8th century) as a medium of administration in the eastern lands of the Caliphate.13 Despite the Islamisation of public affairs, the Iranians retained much of their pre-Islamic outlook and way of life, adjusted to fit the demands of Islam. Towards the end of the 7th century, the population began resenting the cost of sustaining the Arab Caliphs, the Umayyads, and in the 8th century, a general Iranian uprising—led by the Iranian national hero Abu Muslim Khorrasani—brought another Arab family, the Abbasids, to the Caliph's throne.
Under the Abbasids, the capital transferred from Syria to Iraq, which had once been part of the Sassanid Empire, and was still considered to be part of the Iranian cultural domain. Persian culture, and the customs of the Persian Barmakid viziers, became the style of the ruling elite. Politically, the Abbasids soon started losing their control to Iranians. The governors in Khurasan, the Tahirids, though appointed by the caliph, were effectively independent. When the Persian Saffarids from Sistan freed the eastern lands, Buyyids in Western Iran, Ziyarids in Mazandaran, and in the north-east the Samanids announced their independencies.13
The separateness of the eastern lands from Baghdad was expressed in a distinctive Persianate culture that became dominant in west, central, and south Asia, and was the source of innovations elsewhere in the Islamic world. The Persianate culture was marked by the use of the New Persian language as a medium of administration and intellectual discourse, by the rise of Persianised-Turks to military control, by the new political importance of non-Arab ulama, and by the development of an ethnically composite Islamic society.
Pahlavi was the lingua franca of the Sasanian Empire before the Arab invasion, but towards the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 8th century Arabic became a medium of literary expression. In the 9th century, a New Persian language emerged as the idiom of administration and literature. Persian dynasties of Tahirids and Saffarids continued using Persian as an informal language, although for them Arabic was the "language for recording anything worthwhile, from poetry to science",19 but the Samanids made Persian a language of learning and formal discourse. The language that appeared in the 9th and 10th centuries was a new form of Persian, derivative of onclarification needed the Middle-Persian of pre-Islamic times, but enriched by ample Arabic vocabulary and written in Arabic script.
The Persian language was, according20 to Marshall Hodgson in his The Venture of Islam, to form the chief model for the rise of still other languages to the literary level. Like Turkish, most of the more local languages of high culture that later emerged among Muslims depended upon Persian [here Urdu would be a prime example]. One may call these traditions, carried in Persian or reflecting Persian inspiration, ‘Persianate’ by extension. This seems21 to be the origin of the term Persianate.
The Iranian dynasty of the Samanids began recording its court affairs in Arabic as well as Persian, and the earliest great poetry in "New Persian" was written for the Samanid court. Samanids encouraged translation of religious works from Arabic into Persian. In addition, the learned authorities of Islam, the ulama, began using the Persian lingua franca in public. The crowning literary achievement in the early New Persian language, Shahnameh (The Book of Kings) compiled by greatest of Iranian epic-poet Ferdowsi, presented his Shahnameh to the court of Mahmud of Ghazni (998-1030), was more than a literary achievement; it was a kind of Iranian nationalistic resurrection. Ferdowsi galvanized Persian nationalistic sentiments by invoking pre-Islamic Persian heroic imagery and enshrined in literary form the most treasured stories of popular folk-memory.13
Ferdowsi’s Shahnamah enjoyed a special status in Iranian courtly culture as not just a mythical but a historical narrative as well. The powerful effect that this text came to have on the poets of this period is partly due to the value that was attached to it as a legitimizing force, especially for new rulers in the Eastern Islamic world:
In the Persianate tradition the Shahnameh was viewed as more than literature. It was also a political treatise, as it addressed deeply rooted conceptions of honor, morality, and legitimacy. Illustrated versions of it were considered desirable as expressions of the aspirations and politics of ruling elites in the Iranian world.—22
The Persianate culture that emerged under the Samanid dynasty rule in Khorasan, in northeast of Persia and borderlands of Turkistan and Turks were exposed to Persianate-Islamic culture;23 the preparation for the incorporation of the Turks into the main body of the Middle Eastern Islamic civilization, which was followed by the Ghaznavids, thus began in Khorasan; "not only did the inhabitants of Khurasan not succumb to the language of the nomadic invaders, but they imposed their own tongue on them. The region could even assimilate the Turkic Ghaznavids and Seljuks (11th and 12th centuries), the Timurids (14th and 15th centuries), and the Qajars (19th and 20th centuries).24
Mahmud of Ghazni the rivals and future hirers of the Samanidsclarification needed ruled over southeastern extremities of Samanid territories from the city of Ghazni. It attracted many Persian scholars, artists and became the patrons of Persianate culture, and as they subjugated Western and Southern Asia, they took with themselves the Persianate culture. Under the Ghaznavid patronage, Persian culture flourished further. Apart from Ferdowsi, Rumi, Abu Ali Sina, Al-Biruni, Unsuri Balkhi, Farrukhi Sistani, Sanayi Ghaznawi and Abu Sahl Testari were among the great Iranian polymaths and poets of the period, supported by the Ghazanavids.
The Persianate culture was carried by succeeding dynasties into Western and Southern Asia, in particular, by the Persianized-Seljuqs (1040–1118), and their successor states, who presided over Iran, Syria, and Anatolia until the 13th century, and by the Ghaznavids, who in the same period dominated Greater Khorasan and India. These two dynasties together drew the centres of the Islamic world eastward. The institutions stabilized Islamic society into a form that would persist, at least in Western Asia, until the 20th century.13
The Ghaznavids moved their capital from Ghazni to Lahore in modern Pakistan, which they turned into another centre of Islamic culture. Under Ghaznavids, poets and scholars from Kashgar, Bukhara, Samarkand, Baghdad, Nishapur, Amol and Ghazni congregated in Lahore. Thus, the Persian language and Persianate culture was brought deep into India25 and carried further in the 13th century. Seljuqs won a decisive battle with the Ghaznavids then swept into Khurasan; they brought Persianate culture westward into western Persia, Iraq, Anatolia, and Syria. Iran proper along with Central Asia became a heartland of Persian language and culture.
As the Seljuqs came to dominate Persia (including Iraq, Syria, and Anatolia), they carried this Persianate culture beyond, and made it the culture of their courts as far west as the Mediterranean Sea. Under Seljuq rule, many pre-Islamic Iranian traditional arts including the Sasanian traditional architecture resurrected, and indulged many of the great Iranian scholars.clarification needed At the same time, the Islamic religious institutions became more organized and Sunni orthodoxy became more codified.citation needed
The Persian jurist and theologian Al-Ghazali was amongst the scholars at Seljuq court who proposed a synthesis of Sufism and sharia, which became a basis of a richer Islamic theology. Formulating the Sunni concept of division between temporal and religious authorities, he provided a theological basis for the existence of Sultanate, a temporal office alongside the Caliphate, which by that time was merely a religious office. The main institutional means of establishing a consensus of the ulama on these dogmatic issues was the Nezāmīyeh, better known as the madrasas, named after its founder Khwajeh Nezam ul-Mulk, the Persian Vizier of Seljuqs. These schools became means of uniting Sunni ulama, which legitimized the rule of the Sultans. The bureaucracies were staffed by graduates of the madrasas, so both the ulama and the bureaucracies were under the influence of esteemed professors at the madrasas.2627
As the result of the impacts of Persian literature as well as ingredient of the political ambitions of a ruler in the Persianate lands to not only commission a copy of the Shahnameh, but also have his own epic, which allowed court poets to attempt to reach the level of Ferdowsi:
Thus, as with any piece of historical writing, a sehname can be evaluated as a historical source on two levels: firstly, for its contribution to the store of basic factual knowledge of a period, and secondly, for the light it sheds, intentionally or otherwise, on contemporary thought and politics.—28
The Iranian as well as the Persianate poets received the Shahnameh and modeled themselves after it.29
First, Persian poets attempted to continue the chronology to a later period, usually the poet’s, such as the Zafar-Nameh of the Ilkhanid historian Hamdollah Mostowfi (d. 1334 or 1335), which deals with Iranian history from the Arab conquest to the Mongols and is longer than Ferdowsi’s work,30 and the Shahanshahnamah (or Changiznamah) of Ahmad Tabrizi in 1337-38, which is a history of the Mongols written for Abu Sa‘id. Second, poets versified the history of a contemporary ruler for reward, such as the Ghāzānnāmeh written in 1361-62 by Nur al-Din ibn Shams al-Din. Third, heroes not treated in the Shahnamah and those who have minor roles in it became the subjects of their own epics, such as the 11th century Garshāspnāmeh by Asadi Tusi.31 The other source of inspiration for Persianate culture was another Persian poet, Nizami, the most admired, illustrated and imitated writer of romantic masnavis.32
The culture of the Persianate world in the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries was tested by invading armies of inland Asia. The Mongols under Genghis Khan (1220–58) and Timur (Tamerlane, 1336–1405) stimulated the development of Persianate culture in Central and West Asia, because of the new concentrations of specialists of high culture created by the invasions. Many Iranians had to seek refuge in few safe havens, primarily India, where scholars, poets, musicians, and fine artisans intermingled and cross-fertilized, and because the broad peace secured by the huge imperial systems established by the Il-Khanids (in the 13th century) and Timurids (in the 13th century), when travel was safe, and scholars and artists, ideas and skills, and fine books and artifacts circulated freely over a wide area. Il-Khanids and Timurids were patrons of Persianate high culture. Under their rule developed new styles of architecture based on pre-Islamic Iranian tradition, Persian literature was encouraged, and flourished the Persian school of miniature painting and book production established in Herat, Tabriz and Esfahan.citation needed
In the 16th century, Persianate culture became sharply distinguishable from the Arabic Islamic world to the west, the dividing zone falling along the Euphrates. Socially the Persianate world was marked by a system of ethnologically defined elite statuses: the rulers and their soldiery were non-Iranians in origin, but the administrative cadres and literati were Iranians. Cultural affairs were marked by characteristic pattern of language use: New Persian was the language of state affairs and literature; New Persian became the languages of scholarship; and Arabic the language of religion.25
South Asian society was enriched by the influx of Persian and Islamic scholars, historians, architects, musicians, and other specialists of high Persianate culture who fled the Mongol devastations. After the invasion of Persia, and sack of Baghdad by the Mongols in 1258, Delhi became the most important cultural centre of the Muslim east.25 The Delhi Sultans modelled their lifestyles after the Persian upper classes. They patronized Persian literature and music, but became especially notable for their architecture, because their builders drew from the Irano-Islamic world architecture, combined with Indian traditions to produce a profusion of mosques, palaces, and tombs unmatched in any other Islamic country.25 The speculative thought of the times at the Mughal court, as in other Persianate courts, leaned towards the eclectic gnostic dimension of Sufi Islam, having similarities with Hindu Vedantism, indigenous Bhakti and popular theosophy.34
The Mughals strengthened the Persianate, or Indo-Persian culture, in South Asia. For centuries, Iranian scholar-officials had immigrated to the region where their expertise in Persianate culture and administration secured them honoured service within the Mughal Empire.35 Networks of learned masters and madrasas taught generations of young South Asian men Persian language and literature in addition to Islamic values and sciences. Further, educational institutions such as Farangi Mahall and Delhi Collegedisambiguation needed developed innovative and integrated curricula for modernizing Persian-speaking South Asians.36 They cultivated Persian art, enticing to their courts artists and architects from Bukhara, Tabriz, Herat, Shiraz, and other cities of Greater Iran. The Taj Mahal and its Charbagh were commissioned by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan for his half-Iranian bride.
Iranian poets, such as Sa’di, Hafez, Rumi and Nizami, who were the great masters of Sufi mysticism from the Persianate world, were favorite poets of the Mughals. Their works were present in Mughal libraries and counted among the emperors’ prized possessions, which they gave to each other; Akbar and Jahangir often quoted from them, signifying that they had imbibed them to a great extent.37 The court poets Naziri, ‘Urfi, Faizi, Khan-i Khanan, Zuhuri, Sanai, Qodsi, Talib-i Amuli and Abu Talib Kalim were all masters imbued with a similar Sufi spirit, thus following the norms of any Persianate court.38
The tendency towards Sufi mysticism through Persianate culture in Mughal court circles is also testified by the inventory of books that were kept in Akbar’s library, and are especially mentioned by his historian, Abu'l Fazl, in the Ā’in-ī Akbarī. Some of these books that were read outclarification needed continually to the emperor include the mathnawīs of Nizami, works of Amir Khusraw, Sharaf Manayri and Jami, the Mathnawī-i ma’nawī of Molana Jalal al-Din Rumi, the Jām-i Jam of Awhadi-e Maraghei, the Hakika o Sanā’i, the Qābusnāmeh of Kai Kāvus, Sa’di’s Gulestān and Būstān, and the Dīwāns of Khaqani and Anwari.3940
This Indo-Iranian intellectual symmetry continued until the end of the 19th century, when a Persian newspaper, Miftah al-Zafar (1897), campaigned for the formation of Anjuman-i Ma’arif, an academy devoted to the strengthening of Persian language as a scientific language.41 Whereas the notion of "Western civilization" provided a safety net supplementing European national histories, no common historiographical practice captures the residues of the colonial and national conventions of historical writing that separates the joint Persianate literary culture of Iran and India—a literary culture that is irreducible to Islam and the Islamic civilization.citation needed
The Safavid dynasty ascended to predominance in Iran in the 16th century—the first native Iranian dynasty since the Buyyids.424344 The Safavids, whom according to the consensus of scholars were originally from Persian Kurdistan424546 moved to the Ardabil region in the 11th century. They re-asserted the Iranian identity and established an independent Iranian state47 and patronized Iranian culture.13 They made Iran the spiritual bastion of Shi’ism against the onslaughts of orthodox Sunni Islam, and the repository of Persian cultural traditions and self-awareness of Iranianhood.48
The founder of the dynasty, Shah Isma'il, adopted the title of Persian Emperor Pādišah-ī Īrān, with its implicit notion of an Iranian state stretching from Afghanistan as far as the Euphrates, and from the Oxus to the southern Territories of the Persian Gulf.49 Shah Isma'il's successors went further and adopted the title of "Shāhanshāh" (king of the kings). The Safavid kings considered themselves, like the Sasanian Emperors, the khudāygān (the shadow of God on earth),50 revived the Sasanian architecture,51 erected grand mosques, revived and built elegant "Charbagh" gardens, collected books (one Safavid ruler had a library of 3,000 volumes), and patronized whole "Men of Pen"52 The Safavids introduced Shiism into Persia to distinguish Persia society from the Ottomans, their Sunni rivals to the west.16 The Mughals dominated India from 1526 until the 18th century, when Muslim successor states and non-Muslim powers of the Sikh, Maratha, and British replaced them.
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At the beginning of the 14th century, the Ottomans rose to predominance in Asia Minor. The Ottomans patronized Persian literature for five and a half centuries and attracted great numbers of writers and artists, especially in the 16th century.53 One of the most renowned Persian poets in the Ottoman court was Fethullah Arifi Çelebi, also a painter and historian, and the author of the Süleymanname (or Suleyman-nama), a biography of Süleyman the Magnificent.54 In the end of 17th century, they gave up Persian as the court and administrative language, using Turkish instead; a decision that shocked the highly Persianized Mughals in India.55 The Ottoman Sultan Suleyman wrote an entire divan in Persian language.56 According to Hodgson:
The rise of Persian (the language) had more than purely literary consequence: it served to carry a new overall cultural orientation within Islamdom. Henceforth while Arabic held its own as the primary language of the religious disciplines and even, largely, of natural science and philosophy, Persian became, in an increasingly part of Islamdom, the language of polite culture; it even invaded the realm of scholarship with increasing effects. It was to form the chief model of the rise of still other languages. Gradually a third "classical" tongue emerged, Turkish, whose literature was based on Persian tradition.—20
Toynbee's assessment of the role of the Persian language is worth quoting in more detail A Study of History:
In the Iranian world, before it began to succumb to the process of Westernization, the New Persian language, which had been fashioned into literary form in mighty works of art...gained a currency as a lingua franca; and at its widest, about the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries of the Christian Era, its range in this role extended, without a break, across the face of South-Eastern Europe and South-Western Asia from the Ottoman pashalyq of Buda, which had been erected out of the wreckage of the Western Christian Kingdom of Hungary after the Ottoman victory at Mohacz in A.D. 1526, to the Muslim "successor-states" which had been carved, after the victory of the Deccanese Muslim princes at Talikota in A.D. 1565, out of the carcass of the slaughtered Hindu Empire of Vijayanagar. For this vast cultural empire the New Persian language was indebted to the arms of Turkish-speaking empire-builders, reared in the Iranian tradition and therefore captivated by the spell of the New Persian literature, whose military and political destiny it had been to provide one universal state for Orthodox Christendom in the shape of the Ottoman Empire and another for the Hindu World in the shape of the Timurid Mughal Raj. These two universal states of Iranian construction on Orthodox Christian and on Hindu ground were duly annexed, in accordance with their builders' own cultural affinities, to the original domain of the New Persian language in the homelands of the Iranian Civilization on the Iranian plateau and in the Basin of the Oxus and the Jaxartes; and in the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of literae humaniores by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers.—57
E. J. W. Gibb is the author of the standard A Literary History of Ottoman Poetry in six volumes, whose name has lived on in an important series of publications of Arabic, Persian, and Turkish texts, the Gibb Memorial Series.citation needed Gibb classifies Ottoman poetry between the "Old School", from the 14th century to about the middle of the 19th century, during which time Persian influence was dominant; and the "Modern School", which came into being as a result of the Western impact. According to Gibb in the introduction (Volume I):
the Turks very early appropriated the entire Persian literary system down to its minute detail, and that in the same unquestioning and wholehearted fashion in which they had already accepted Islam.
The Saljuqs had, in the words of the same author:
attained a very considerable degree of culture, thanks entirely to Persian tutorage. About the middle of the eleventh century they [that is, the Saljuqs] had overrun Persia, when, as so often happened, the Barbarian conquerors adopted the culture of their civilized subjects. Rapidly the Seljuq Turks pushed their conquest westward, ever carrying with them Persian culture...[s]o, when some hundred and fifty years later Sulayman's son [the leader of the Ottomans]... penetrated into Asia Minor, they [the Ottomans] found that although Seljuq Turkish was the everyday speech of the people, Persian was the language of the court, while Persian literature and Persian culture reigned supreme. It is to the Seljuqs with whom they were thus fused, that the Ottomans, strictly so called, owe their literary education; this therefore was of necessity Persian as the Seljuqs knew no other. The Turks were not content with learning from the Persians how to express thought; they went to them to learn what to think and in what way to think. In practical matters, in the affairs of everyday life and in the business of government, they preferred their own ideas; but in the sphere of science and literature they went to school with the Persian, intent not merely on acquiring his method, but on entering into his spirit, thinking his thought and feeling his feelings. And in this school they continued so long as there was a master to teach them; for the step thus taken at the outset developed into a practice; it became the rule with the Turkish poets to look ever Persia-ward for guidance and to follow whatever fashion might prevail there. Thus it comes about that for centuries Ottoman poetry continued to reflect as in a glass the several phases through which that of Persia passed...[s]o the first Ottoman poets, and their successors through many a generation, strove with all their strength to write what is little else than Persian poetry in Turkish words. But such was not consciously their aim; of national feeling in poetry they dreamed not; poetry was to them one and indivisible, the language in which it was written merely an unimportant accident.
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Although most of the articlesclarification needed concentrate either on Persian language sources or on the somewhat indeterminate geographical domain of "Greater Persia", the category of "Persian" or "Persianate" Sufism remains elastic, yet coherent, enough to encompass articles that acknowledge the importance of writings in other Muslim languages and the practice of Sufism among non-Persians.58
From about the 12th century, Persian lyric poetry was enriched with a spirituality and devotional depth not to be found in earlier works. This development was due to the pervasive spread of mystical experience. Sufism developed in all Muslim lands, but its literary expression reached its zenith in the countries located within the sphere of Persian cultural influence. As a counterpoise to the rigidity of formal Islamic theology and law, mysticism sought to approach the divine through acts of devotion and love rather than through mere rituals and observance. Love of God being the focus of the Sufis' religious sentiments, it was only natural for them to express it in lyrical terms, and Persian mystics, often of exceptional sensibility and endowed with poetic verve, did not hesitate to do so. The famous 11th-century Sufi, Abu Sa'id of Mehna, for example, frequently used his own love quatrains (as well as others) to express his spiritual yearnings, and with the appearance of a vowedclarification needed mystic poets such as Attar and Eraqi, mysticism became a legitimate, even fashionable subject of lyric poems among the Persianate societies. Furthermore, as Sufi orders and centers (Khaneghah) spread throughout Persian societies, Persian mystic poetry <sic>clarification needed thought gradually became so much a part of common culture that even poets who did not share Sufi experiences ventured to express mystical ideas and imagery in their poems.59
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Persian painting had been one of the vessels of Persianate culture, in which almost every artwork was accompanied by Persian texts. In the late 14th and 15th centuries, political control in Iran passed to Timur (Tamerlane) and his heirs. The Timurids moved the capital from Tabriz in the west to Samarkand and Herat in the east of Iranian world. In the first half of the 15th century, Iranian artists working for the Timurid sultans and their heirs developed the highly detailed, jewel-like style of painting that typifies Persian painting, which became known as the "Persian School of Herat".citation needed
When the Safavid dynasty of Persia came to power in 1501 and unified the eastern and western parts of Iran, the Persian painting styles of the east and the west mingled. The political unity under the first two Safavid rulers Shah Isma'il I and Shah Tahmasp, and the establishment of the Safavid capital at Tabriz in the west, caused Persian artists to move from Herat. One of the most celebrated Iranian painters Behzad, known as "the master of Persian painting", influenced many other Persian painters, such as Reza Abbasi and Sultan Muhammed, the most gifted of the Safavid artists. He eventually painted perhaps the most extraordinary example of Persian painting The Court of the Gayumars from an opulent edition of the Shahnameh, commissioned by Shah Tahmasp c. 1522–1525. The painting depicts the legendary court of Gayumars, the first shah in the epic.citation needed
In Anatolia, a vigorous school of painting developed at the courts of Turkic rulers in the second half of the 15th century. The style of Ottoman miniature illustrations depended on the Persian models, especially the painting of Shiraz.60 The long reign of the Ottoman sultan Suleyman (the Magnificent) enabled his successor Selim II (r. 1566-1574) to enjoy the pleasures of the palace without much concern for military conquests. A painting of Sultan Selim II in the exhibition depicts him partaking in one of his favourite pastimes, wine drinking, which earned him the nickname "Selim the Sot".citation needed
By the mid-16th century, some Iranian artists from the Safavid Persian court had immigrated to Istanbul. Others made their way to India in the retinue of the Mughal emperor Humayun, who returned to India in 1555 from exile in Iran. It was at the court of Humayun's son and successor Akbar (r. 1556-1605), however, that the Mughal style of painting came into its own.citation needed
The most important early project in this new style was a 14-volume Hamzanama produced by a team of Indian artists, both Muslim and Hindu, working under the supervision of Mir Sayyid Ali and Abd al-Samad, two Persian émigré artists. Akbari paintings incorporated the synthesis of the precise, linear style of Persian painting with the dynamism and vibrant palette of indigenous Indian painting. With the introduction of European-style perspective and modelling, Mughal painting became increasingly naturalistic from the 1580s until the mid-17th century, but the core of both Ottoman and Mughal painting remained Persian.citation needed
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The term Nowruz first appeared in Persian records in the 2nd century CE, but it was also an important day during the Achaemenid times (c. 648-330 BCE), in which kings from different nations under Persian empire would bring gifts to the emperor (Shahanshah) of Persia. It has been suggested that the famous Persepolis complex, or at least the palace of Apadana and the "Hundred Columns Hall", were built for the specific purpose of celebrating Nowruz. However, no mention of Nowruz exists in Achaemenid inscriptions (see picture).citation needed
The oldest records of Nowruz go back to the King Yima of Eastern Iran Afghanistan around 5000 BCE. Later it became the national holiday of the Arsacid/Parthian Empires, which ruled western Iran (247 BCE-224 CE). There are specific references to the celebration of Nowruz during the reign of Vologases I (51-78 CE), but these include no details.citation needed
Extensive records on the celebration of Nowruz appear following the accession of Ardashir I of Persia, the founder of the Sassanid dynasty (224-650 CE). Under the Sassanid kings, Nowruz was celebrated as the most important day of the year. Most royal traditions of Nowruz, such as royal audiences with the public, cash gifts, and the pardoning of prisoners, were established during the Sassanian era, and they persisted unchanged until modern times.citation needed
Nowruz, along with Sadeh (celebrated in mid-winter), survived in society following the introduction of Islam in 650 CE. Other celebrations such as Gahanbar and Mehregan were eventually side-lined or were only followed by the Zoroastrians, who carried them as far as Turkey. Nowruz, however, was most honored even by the early founders of Islam. There are records of the Four Great Caliphs presiding over Nowruz celebrations, and it was adopted as the main royal holiday during the Abbasid period.citation needed
Following the demise of the caliphate and the subsequent re-emergence of Persian dynasties such as the Samanids and Buyids, Nowruz was elevated to an even more important event. The Buyids revived the ancient traditions of Sasanian times and restored many smaller celebrations that had been eliminated by the caliphate. Even the Turkish and Mongol invaders did not attempt to abolish Nowruz in favor of any other celebration. Thus, Nowruz remained as the main celebration in the Persian lands by both the officials and the people.citation needed
In his Norouznama, poet Omar Khayyám wrote a vivid description of the celebration in ancient Persian:
From the era of Keykhosrow till the days of Yazdegard, last of the pre-Islamic kings of Persia, the royal custom was thus: on the first day of the New Year, Nau Ruz, the King's first visitor was the High Priest of the Zoroastrians, who brought with him as gifts a golden goblet full of wine, a ring, some gold coins, a fistful of green sprigs of wheat, a sword, a bow and a handsome slave. In the language of Persia he would then glorify God and praise the monarch.. This was the address of the High Priest to the king: "O Majesty, on this feast of the Equinox, first day of the first month of the year, seeing that thou hast freely chosen God and the Faith of the Ancient ones; may Surush, the Angel-messenger, grant thee wisdom and insight and sagacity in thy affairs. Live long in praise, be happy and fortunate upon thy golden throne, drink immortality from the Cup of Jamshid; and keep in solemn trust the customs of our ancestors, their noble aspirations, fair gestes and the exercise of justice and righteousness. May thy soul flourish; may thy youth be as the new-grown grain; may thy horse be puissant, victorious; thy sword bright and deadly against foes; thy hawk swift against its prey; thy every act straight as the arrow's shaft. Go forth from thy rich throne, conquer new lands. Honor the craftsman and the sage in equal degree; disdain the acquisition of wealth. May thy house prosper and thy life be long!
As the broad cultural region remained politically divided, the sharp antagonisms between empires stimulated appearance of variations of Persianate culture. After 1500, the Iranian culture developed distinct features of its own, and interposition of strong pre-Islamic and Shiite-Islamic culture. Iran's ancient cultural relationship with Southern Iraq (Sumer/Babylonia) remained strong and endured in spite of Ottoman rule over Iraq. The inhabitants of eastern Mediterranean in Anatolia, Syria, and Egypt developed somewhat independently; India developed a vibrant South Asian style of Indo-Persian6162 culture; and Central Asia, which gradually grew more isolated, and not linguistically, but culturally predominantly remained Persianate to this day; Ottoman Turkey grew somewhat differently and Turkish nationalism has developed since the formation of Turkey.
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- Said Amir Arjomand, Studies on Persianate Societies, (2004), p.6 ISBN 81-7304-667-0
- Lawrence 2009, p. 170: Quote: "Persianate is a new term, first coined by Marshall Hodgson to offer a different explanation of Islam in the world system than that extrapolated from Wallerstein. While Persianate depicts a cultural force that is linked to Persian language and to self-identifiying Persians, Persianate is more than either a language or a people; it highlights elements that Persians share with Indo-Aryan rulers who preceded Muslims to the subcontinent. Two elements are paramount: hierarchy ... (and) deference"
- Hodgson 1974, pp. 293–294: Quote: "It could even be said that Islamicate civilization, historically, is divisible in the more central areas into an earlier 'caliphal' and a later 'Persianate' phase; with variants in the outlying regions—Maghrib, Sudanic lands, Southern Seas, India, ... (p. 294)"
- O.Özgündenli, "Persian Manuscripts in Ottoman and Modern Turkish Libraries", Encyclopaedia Iranica, online edition, (LINK)
- K.A. Luther, "Alp Arslān" in Encyclopaedia Iranica, online edition, (LINK): "Saljuq activity must always be viewed both in terms of the wishes of the sultan and his Khorasanian, Sunni advisors, especially Nezām-al-molk ..."
- Encyclopædia Britannica, "Seljuq", online edition, (LINK): "Because the Turkish Seljuqs had no Islamic tradition or strong literary heritage of their own, they adopted the cultural language of their Persian instructors in Islam. Literary Persian thus spread to the whole of Iran, and the Arabic language disappeared in that country except in works of religious scholarship"
- Lehmann, F. "Zaher ud-Din Babor - Founder of Mughal empire". Encyclopaedia Iranica (Online ed.). New York City: Columbia University Center for Iranian (Persian) Studies. pp. 320–323. Retrieved 2006-11-07. "His origin, milieu, training, and culture were steeped in Persian culture and so Babor was largely responsible for the fostering of this culture by his descendants, the Mughals of India, and for the expansion of Persian cultural influence in the Indian subcontinent, with brilliant literary, artistic, and historiographical results"
- "Timurids". The Columbia Encyclopedia (Sixth ed.). New York City: Columbia University. Retrieved 2006-11-08.
- "Persian in service of the state: the role of Persophone historical writing in the development of an Ottoman imperial aesthetic", Studies on Persianate Societies 2, 2004, pp 145-163.
- "Historiography. xi. Persian Historiography in the Ottoman Empire", Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 12, fasc. 4, 2004: 403-411.
- F. Walter, Music of the Ottoman court, Chap. 7 "The Departure of Turkey from the 'Persianate' Musical Sphere" (LINK)
- Euben R. L., Enemy in the Mirror: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Limits of Modern Rationalism: A Work of Comparative Political Theory (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999) p.54.
- Robert Canfield Turko-Persia in historical perspective, Cambridge University Press, 1991
- A. Shapur Shahbazi, "Sassanian Dynasty", in Encyclopaedia Iranica, online edition 2006
- M. Boyce, "Bībī Shahrbānū and the Lady of Pārs", BSOAS 30, 1967
- Hodgson, Marshall G. S. 1974. The Venture of Islam. 3 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press
- Euben R. L., Enemy in the Mirror: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Limits of Modern Rationalism: A Work of Comparative Political Theory (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999) pp 23-32.
- ibid., p.38.
- Frye, R.N. 1975. The Golden Age of Persia: The Arabs in the East. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, and New York: Barnes and Noble, 1921
- (Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Volume 2: The Expansion of Islam in the Middle Periods (Venture of Islam, Chicago, 1974) page 293.
- Said Amir Arjomand From the Editor: Defining Persianate Studies, Journal of Persianate Studies 1 (2008) 1-4, p. 2.
- Lentz T. W., and Lowry, G. D., Timur and the Princely Vision: Persian Art and Culture in the Fifteenth Century (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Press, 1989), p.126.
- Chambers R. L., The Ottoman Empire; a Chronological Outline, University of Chicago (2000)
- Daftary, F., "Sectarian and National Movements in Iran, Khorasan, and Trasoxania during Umayyad and Early Abbasid Times", in History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. 4, pt 1; edited by M.S. Asimov and C.E. Bosworth; UNESCO Publishing, Institute of Ismaili Studies
- Ikram, S. M. 1964. Muslim Civilization in India. New York: Columbia University Press
- Frye, R.N. 1975. The Golden Age of Persia: The Arabs in the East, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, and New York: Barnes and Noble, 224-30
- Robert Canfield Turko-Persia in historical perspective, Cambridge University Press, 1991, p.14
- Woodhead C., "An Experiment in Official Historiography: The Post of Sehnameci in the Ottoman Empire, c. 1555-1605", Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 75 (1983), p.174.
- Manuchihr Murtazavi has discussed this phenomenon and several works from this period in his essay, "Muqallidan-i Shahnamah dar dawrah-yi Mughul va Timuri", in Masa'il-i 'asr-i Ilkhanan (Tabriz: Mu’assasah-i Tarikh va Farhang-i Iran, SH/1358), pp 554-555. He formulates three categories of such works too: poets who took up material not covered in the Shahnameh, poets who panegyrized their patrons and their ancestors in masnavi form for monetary reward, and poets who wrote poems for rulers who saw themselves as heroes in the Shahnameh. Also compare the earlier Samanid trend of patronizing Shahnamehs as legitimizing texts, Julie S. Meisami, Persian Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999), p37.
- Zafarnamah-i Hamd Allah Mustawfi: bi-inzimam-i Shahnamah-i Abu al-Qasim Firdawsi (bih tashih-i Hamd Allah Mustawfi): chap-I ‘aksi az ru-yi nuskhah-i khatti-i muvarrakh-i AH/807, dar Kitabkhanah-i Biritaniya (Or. 2833), (Tehran: Markaz-i Nashr-i Danishgahi-i Iran; Vin: Akadimi-i ‘Ulum-i Utrish, 1999). The literary value of these works must be considered on an individual basis as Rypka cautions: "all these numerous epics cannot be assessed very highly, to say nothing of those works that were substantially (or literally) copies of Ferdowsi. There are however exceptions, such as the Zafarnama of Hamdu’llah Mustaufi a historically valuable continuation of the Shah-nama", Rypka, History of Iranian Literature, p.165.
- This tradition, chiefly a non-Ilkhanid and Timurid one, resulted in the creation of Islamic epics of conquests as discussed by Marjan Molé, L’épopée iranienne après Firdosi, La Nouvelle Clio 5 (1953): pp.377-393. Also see the classification employed by Z. Safa for epics in his Hamasahsarayi dar Iran (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1990): milli (national, those inspired by Ferdowsi’s epic), tarikhi (historical, those written in imitation of Nizami’s Iskandarnamah) and dini for religious works.
- Quint D., Epic and Empire: Politics and Generic Form from Virgil to Milton, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), p15.
- There is a useful catalog of all known copies of this text in John Seyller’s, Pearls of the Parrot of India: The Walters Art Museum Khamsa of Amir Khusraw of Delhi, (Baltimore: Walters Art Museum, 2001), pp143-58.
- Rizvi, S., Muslim Revivalist Movements in Northern India in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, New Delhi (1993), chapter 1.
- Fisher M. H., Persian Professor in Britain: Mirza Muhammad Ibrahim at the East India Company's College, 1826-44, in Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 21.1-2, Duke University Press (2001) pp 24-32
- ibid, p.33
- An interesting autographed note of both Jahangir and Shahjahan on a copy of Sa’di’s Gulestān states that it was their most precious possession (Soudavar, Art of the Persian Courts: 101, cat. no. 36 a.c). A gift of another Gulwstān was made by Shahjahan to Jahanara Begum, an incident which is recorded by her with her signature (ibid.: 332.38, Cat. no. 136a.f). Shahjahan also considered the same work worthy enough to be sent as a gift to the king of England in 1628, the ms presently in the Sir Chester Beatty Library collection, Dublin (hereafter CB), see Verma, Mughal Painters: 418, for literature on it. For Akbar’s leaning towards Persian Sufi poetics, see Ghani, A History of Persian Language and Literature: Part III. For Jahangir, his memoirs, Tūzuk: passim. The emperor often took out auguries from a copy of the Dīwān-e Hāfez belonging to his grandfather, Humayun. See Jahangir, Tūzuk, vol. I: 214 and 381. One such incident is recorded in his own handwriting in the margins of a copy of the Dīwān, presently in Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna (Muqtadir and Ross, Catalogue of the Arabic and Persian Manuscripts, vol. I: 231.59, no. 151). Prince Khurram's (Shahjahan) own specimen of calligraphic verses of Hafiz is in the Rampur Raza Library, Rampur (hereafter RL) (Siddiqi, Rampur Raza Library: pl. 24).
- For the influence of Rumi's poetry on contemporary poetics, see Schimmel, The Triumphal Sun: 374.78; for Mughal poetry, see Ghani, A History of Persian Language and Literature; Rahman, Persian Literature; Hasan, Mughal Poetry; Abidi, .Tālib-I Āmulī; idem, .Qudsi Mashhadi.; Nabi Hadi, Talib-i Amuli; Browne, A Literary History, vol. IV: 241.67.
- Browne E.G., A Literary History of Persia, vols II and III, Cambridge (1951)
- Arberry, A.J., Classical Persian Literature, London (1958).
- Rizvi, S., Muslim Revivalist Movements in Northern India in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, New Delhi (1993), ch. 1.
- Roger M. Savory, Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Safawids", Online Edition, 2005
- Roger M. Savory, "The consolidation of Safawid power in Persia", in Isl., 1965
- Meyers Konversations-Lexikon, Vol. XII, p. 873, original German edition, " Persien (Geschichte des neupersischen Reichs)", (LINK)
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- Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, Halil Inalci: History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, Taylor & Francis. 1999. Excerpt from pg 259: "From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigenous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century."
- Why is there such confusion about the origins of this important dynasty, which reasserted Iranian identity and established an independent Iranian state after eight and a half centuries of rule by foreign dynasties? in R.M. Savory, Iran under the Safavids (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1980), page 3
- Hillenbrand R., Islamic art and Architecture, London (1999), p228 – ISBN 0-500-20305-9
- ’’ibid’’, p228.
- ibid, p226
- Titley, Norah M. 1983. Persian Miniature Painting and its Influence on the Art of Turkey and India. Austin: University of Texas, 105
- Yarshater, Ehsan. 1988. The development of Iranian literatures. In Persian Literature, ed. Ehsan Yarshater, pp. 3—37. (Columbia Lectures on Iranian Studies, no. 3.) Albany: Bibliotheca Persica and State University of New York, 15
- Tahsin Yazıcı, "Čelebi", Encyclopaedia Iranica, (LINK); accessed February 10, 2007
- Titley, Norah M. 1983. Persian Miniature Painting and its Influence on the Art of Turkey and India. Austin: University of Texas, 159
- Halman, Talat S., Suleyman the Magnificetn Poet, (LINK)
- Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History,V, pp. 514-15)
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- "Persianate Sources on Anatolia and the Early History of the Ottomans", in Studies on Persianate Societies 2 (2004, published 2005): pp 126-44.
- S. Shamil, "The City of Beauties in Indo-Persian Poetic Landscape" - Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol. 24, 2004, Duke University Press
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